➡️(English below)【Hong Kong Alliance’s statement on the National Security Law】National Security Law in Hong Kong"Trampling human rights and rule of law; destroying ‘one country, two systems’ ”
➡️ (Italiano) Ecco come la legge cinese reprime i diritti umani a Hong Kong https://bit.ly/2NSlo9O
◾第13條「 #香港特別行區 維護國家安全委員會」不受司法覆核監督，即凌駕一切法律限制。
「#分裂國家罪」強調犯罪行為不限於使用武力，顯然 針對 #和平言論。「顛覆國家政權罪」同樣有包括非武力的「其他非法手段」的描述，涵蓋範圍無遠弗屆。將「推翻、破壞中國憲法確立的根本制度」，結合憲法中「中國共產黨領導是中國特色社會主義最本質的特徵」的表述，即禁止港人 #反對一黨專政。
◾第37及38條指出無論是 #香港 居民還是非香港居民，即使在境外進行《國安法》規定的犯罪也可以被控，以此阻嚇支持香港的國際及國內伙伴來到香港。
◾第54條給予國安公署管理境外非政府組織及新聞機構的權限，直接干涉 #新聞 和 #結社自由。
回顧 #中共建政 以來打壓公民社會，#迫害異見人士，經常 #以言入罪 的歷史，「#顛覆國家政權罪」和「#分裂國家罪」是最常用的莫須有罪名，和境外組織連結也經常成為罪狀。
◾#諾貝爾 和平獎得主 #劉曉波 倡議中國憲政改革，實現多黨制民主，聯署《#零八憲章》，但被以「#煽動顛覆國家政權罪」判刑11年，最後病死獄中。
◾異見人士 #陳西 以貴州人權研討會名義舉辦紀念「六四」活動，被以「煽動顛覆國家政權罪」判刑10年。
◾大學教授 #伊力哈木.土赫提 為 #維吾爾 人面對的社會問題發聲，指出維吾爾人被歧視，努力促進維吾爾人和漢人之間的對話，卻被控告「#分裂國家罪」，判終身監禁。
◾#張海濤 呼籲國際社會關注 #新疆 情況，提供在地抗爭訊息予外國媒體，被告為「#境外提供情報」及「煽動顛覆國家」，判刑19年。
◾廣州 #謝文飛 被告「煽動顛覆國家政權罪」，其中一項罪名包括當街拉開寫上「#廢除一黨專政」橫額。
面對《國安法》，#支聯會 立場不變，仍會堅持五大綱領，抗衡一黨專政，保存六四記憶，並支持中國的民主運動。然而面對着日益嚴峻的風險，我們亦必須有應對策略，作好長期抗爭的準備。「六四記憶．人權博物館」 ➡️ https://bit.ly/36YezvW 正是我們的其中一個回應，即使實體的六四紀念館被查封，我們亦必須用其他方式保存八九民運的歷史。博物館現發起眾籌計劃，目標募集150萬港元，在未來一年，盡快將資料數據化，將歷史真相呈現國際，不讓中共政權篡改歷史、消除記憶。
【Hong Kong Alliance’s statement on the National Security Law】
1 July 2020
National Security Law in Hong Kong
Trampling human rights and rule of law; destroying “one country, two systems”
After three days of meetings, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress passed the National Security Law of Hong Kong, and it was officially gazetted for promulgation, taking effect at 11pm on 30 June 2020. The definitions of the crimes in the National Security Law are ambiguous and broad, giving the relevant government agencies supreme power. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) asserts it will ‘only affect a very small number of people’. This is nothing more than a lie. The National Security Law is like a sword on the neck of Hong Kong people. It directly threatens the freedom of seven million Hong Kong people, with the aim of governing through fear.
In particular, the following provisions of the National Security Law completely violate the rule of law in Hong Kong and the human rights of Hong Kong people:
The Committee for Safeguarding National Security of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” is not subject to judicial review or oversight, and thus is essentially beyond any legal restrictions.
◾Chapter III crimes: Secession, Subversion, Terrorist Activities, and Collusion with a Foreign Country or with External Elements to Endanger National Security
The definition of “Secession” emphasizes that criminal behavior is not limited to whether or not force is used, and it clearly targets peaceful speech. Its scope is wide. Combining “overthrowing or undermining the basic system of the People’s Republic of China established by the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China” with the expression “CCP leadership is the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics” in the Constitution appears to criminalize opposition to one-party dictatorship.
The definition of “Terrorist Activities” includes almost all kinds of crimes. It also covers “other dangerous activities which seriously jeopardise public health, safety or security”, which appears to include acts of non-cooperation and acts of resistance, the penalty for which could be life imprisonment.
The crime of “Collusion with a Foreign Country” is ridiculous, as it appears to criminalize the exchanges with foreign and international organizations as well as advocacy. Its intention is to isolate Hong Kong people from the international community.
◾Article 35 stipulates that a person who is convicted by a court of an offence endangering national security shall be disqualified from standing as a candidate in elections at all levels and cannot hold public office. This essentially introduces to Hong Kong the punishment of “deprivation of political rights” frequently imposed on those convicted of crimes in China.
◾Articles 37 and 38 point out that both Hong Kong residents and non-Hong Kong residents can be charged even if they commit crimes under the National Security Law abroad, thereby deterring international and domestic partners who support Hong Kong from coming to Hong Kong.
◾Article 41 allows for secret trials
◾Article 42 allows for the denial of bail pending trial.
◾Article 43 allows secret surveillance and deprivation of the respondent’s right to silence, completely destroying the protection of individual rights under Hong Kong’s criminal law.
Judges are designated by the Chief Executive, which allows blatant political intervention in the rule of law.
◾Article 54 gives the Office for Safeguarding National Security the authority to manage foreign NGOs and news organizations, directly interfering with the freedoms of press and association.
◾Articles 55 to 57 special jurisdiction clauses give jurisdiction over certain cases to the Chinese public security, procuratorate and court system, including direct application of the Chinese Criminal Procedure Law, which may include the so-called “residential surveillance at a designated location” (ie, secret detention), and being held incommunicado, without access to family or lawyers. This completely destroys “one country, two systems”.
“This Law shall prevail where provisions of the local laws of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region are inconsistent with this Law.” This implies the implementation of the National Security Law is ultimately not subject to the laws of Hong Kong, including Human Rights Law.
Looking back on the history of the CCP’s suppression of civil society, persecution of dissidents, and presumption of guilt, the crimes of “subversion of state power” and “separatism” are among the most frequently abused, and links with overseas organizations are typical grounds for suspicion.
◾Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo advocated constitutional reform in China to achieve multi-party democracy and was an original signatory of Charter 08. He was sentenced to 11 years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power” and eventually died in state custody.
◾Attorney Wang Quanzhang defended disadvantaged groups, for which he was sentenced to four years in prison for “subversion of state power”.
◾Pastor Wang Yi organized a house church and was sentenced to nine years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power”.
◾Dissident Chen Xi held a commemorative June 4 event called the Guizhou Human Rights Seminar and was sentenced to 10 years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power”.
◾University professor Ilham Tohti spoke of the social problems faced by Uyghurs, including discrimination, and promoted dialogue between Uyghurs and Hans, but was convicted with “separatism” and sentenced to life imprisonment.
◾Liu Feiyue’s website supported Chinese prisoners of conscience. As he “called for the release of criminals endangering national security”, he was accused of “inciting subversion” and sentenced to five years in prison. His property, worth of one million dollars, was confiscated.
◾Zhang Haitao called on the international community to pay attention to the situation in Xinjiang and provided foreign media with information about local resistance. He was sentenced to 19 years in prison for “providing intelligence abroad” and “inciting subversion of the country”.
◾Xie Wenfei in Guangzhou was convicted of “inciting subversion of state power”. One piece of evidence was that he held a banner with the words “Abolish One-Party Dictatorship” on the street.
National security laws in China has a long record of being used to persecute dissidents. In the eyes of the CCP, “activities that endanger national security” includes any opposition. Incitement, collusion and other terms will be applied to speech and organization with the intention of destroying Hong Kong’s civil society.
In the face of the National Security Law, the position of Hong Kong Alliance remains unchanged, adhering to the organization’s five operational goals, including ending one-party dictatorship, preserving the memory of June 4, and supporting China’s democracy movement. However, in the face of increasingly serious risks, we must also have strategies to prepare for long-term struggle. “Memory of June 4: Human Rights Museum” ➡️ https://bit.ly/36YezvW is one of our responses. Even if the physical June 4 Museum may one day be forcibly closed, we must preserve the history of the 1989 democracy movement in other ways. The museum is now launching a crowdfunding campaign with the goal of raising HK$1.5 million. Data will be digitized as soon as possible in the coming year, and the historical truth will be presented to a global audience so that the CCP cannot tamper with history and erase memory.
參考：2020.6.4 【國安法殺到埋身打壓港人自由 十問國安】The National Security Law is coming and will kill Hong Kong’s Freedom -10 Important Questions https://hkanews.wordpress.com/2020/06/15/nsl/
✊ 請支持眾籌 Crowdfunding「六四記憶 • 人權博物館 Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum」 https://bit.ly/36YezvW
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